Tags: homophobia, lgbtq, marriage equality, race
Guest editorial by Rev. Irene Monroe
With this June’s historic Supreme Court ruling — Obergefell v. Hodge — that legalized same-sex marriage in all 50 states many white LGBTQ organizations nationwide have been questioning what to do next.
Last month the Harvard Alumni Association and the Harvard Gender & Sexuality Caucus picked up the gauntlet to answer that very question, co-sponsoring a conference titled “What Should We Do After ‘I Do’?”:Conversations on the Challenges That Remain for the LGBTQ Community. ”
Harvard alumni, students, staff, faculty, and friends came from across the country for a day-long gathering exploring the topic, with hopes of perhaps charting a future course in the unfinished struggle for LGBTQ rights and equality.
The challenge of what to do next among many of the conference attendees appeared daunting- reach out to LGBTQ communities of color. And for good reasons.
Any reaching out to communities of color will, undoubtedly, dredge up the history of how this country’s same-sex marriage debate created much consternation and polarization between LGBTQ communities of color and white LGBTQ communities. With white LGBTQ political and religious organizations now attempting to bridge this historic divide, many communities of color are asking what’s in it for them.
While many LGBTQ communities of color will embraced the larger LGBTQ community’s offers to be inclusive, others feel that the white queer community, in 2015, is coming a day late and a dollar short. And any effort now is seen as disingenuous if not patronizing.
The bitter internecine feuds among LGBTQ communities of color and the dominate community – concerning framing the marriage debate and strategies employed – have left both sides battle worn.
And needless to say, the trip down memory lane is a painful one.
With the passing of Proposition 8 and blaming the African American community for its victory at the ballot box, the struggle for marriage quality showed us all that it would be a state-by-state battle, where the demographics of each state indeed came into play.
Some strategists had felt all along that communities of color – both straight and queer- were liabilities, slowing, if not disrupting, the process, progress and momentum in this nationwide culture war. These activists openly stated and showed in their community strategies and organizing that they didn’t want or need queer communities of color, especially in predominately white states, to win the battle.
And their reason was the following:
With enough successive wins from less heterogeneous LGBTQ and straight communities, like Iowa, Connecticut, Vermont, and, yes, even my state of, Massachusetts, these judicial endorsements of same- sex marriages not only increase public acceptance of LGBTQ nuptials, but these endorsements could conceivably push more quickly the issue of marriage equality to the federal level for LGBTQ Americans all the way to the U. S. Supreme Court, circumventing our internal wars of class, race, and homophobic faith communities entirely.
Sadly, however, many of our state-by-state battles for marriage equality continued, after being advised otherwise, to be framed as a single-issue agenda, addressing the concerns and values of an elite few, regardless of the size of its LGBTQ communities of color.
And, with the LGBTQ community being the fastest disenfranchised group to touch the fringes of America’s mainstream since the Stonewall Riots in 1969, some contest the only thing holding the larger community back is LGBTQ communities of color.
Communities of color fought back stating we cannot be deployed in the marriage equality battle in a used-when-needed basis, like token moments for photo-ops.
In response to the how the marriage debate initially took shape many LGBTQ communities of color organizations sprung up to address their needs, focusing not only on HIV/AIDs ravaging their communities, but, also, focusing on unemployment, gang violence, LGBTQ youth homelessness, and homophobic clergy, to name a few.
I have been asked by several white activists and organizations post- marriage equality is it now too late trying to reach out to communities of color. It’s a similar questions that was asked of me in 2005 when a board member of a statewide gay organization, who did not want to be identified, wrote to me stating the following:
“The board is interested in looking at its own white privilege as it seeks to work with the African-American religious community. We have realized that most of our communities of faith are predominantly white communities. This concerns us.. We [have] voted to begin a process of understanding white privilege and the ways in which we can seem to be antiracist.”
I cannot speak for all communities of color let along the ones I identify with. However, as one who sits at the intersections of several identities my query to white LGBTQ activists and organizations is the following:
Will efforts to reach out to communities of color be matched by the same agency, urgency, time and dollars spent on marriage equality?
Tags: al sharpton, barack obama, eric garner, ferguson, fr., grand jury, martin luther king, michael brown, race
Guest editorial by Kevin C. Peterson
PHILADELPHIA, PA –Its not clear that this generation of civil rights leaders can win this one.
Thousands of defiant marchers protested across the nation this weekend where hundreds lay prostrate in the streets whispering “I can’t breathe.”
The chant has become almost ubiquitous since a Staten Island grand jury refused to indict a white police officer for the death of Eric Garner last July. The protests–some riotous–have also been in response to the death of Michael Brown, victim of a similar “death-by-police” scenario.
Here in the “City of Brotherly Love,” emotions and racial discontent continue to smolder, reflecting a duality of perspective as revealed in national polling results released over the weekend about race and law enforcement.
A Bloomberg Politics poll reveals a growing racial cleavage: While 64% of white respondents agreed with the Ferguson, Mo. ruling where a grand jury refused to indict a white officer accused of killing unarmed black teenager Michael Brown, 71% of African-Americans strongly disagreed with the decision.
A CBS/Marist poll reported that: “By more than two-to-one, African Americans are more likely than whites to say law enforcement applies different standards to whites and blacks.”
The Rev. Al Sharpton is calling for a “March on Washington” this weekend to bring a civil rights focus on the justice system.
But will Sharpton’s agitation help? More profoundly, has the efficacy of the civil rights coalition abated? Can it produce the efforts won in Montgomery, Birmingham or Selma?
“For the first time we are having a [civil rights] movement that is not really being led by the [black] church,” said the Rev. Alyn Waller to 4,000 worshipers at Philadelphia’s Enon Tabernacle Baptist Church Sunday. “And quite frankly the church is not really out in front of this like we could and should be. And this could be the reason that the fight is not there.”
In the meantime, President Barack Obama offers protesters and the nation the anemic solution of “time.”
Monday night he told BET: “When you are dealing with something as deeply rooted as racism or bias in any society you got to have vigilance but you have to recognize that its going to take some time and you have to be steady.”
The president’s comments fall flat five decades after the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. argued against the brand of systemic racism clearly visible in Ferguson and Staten Island.
If he were present, King would push Obama to make bolder statements about the justice system and the plight of black men. King would chide the president’s hesitancy on forming stronger national policies on race and the law. King would urge Obama to embrace the activism on the streets to galvanize public opinion.
King would say what he uttered in the 1960s: “This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy.”
(The views expressed in the editorial are those of the author.)
Tags: African American, asian, deval patrick, leland cheung, massachusetts, politics, race, voting
Guest editorial by Rev. Willie Bodrick II, M.Div
The debate continues over Governor Patrick’s announcement that Massachusetts would temporarily aid in the humanitarian emergency to shelter refugee children at our country’s southern borders. This came weeks after celebrating the 50th Anniversary of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 at the Museum of African American History, and the timing of such events prompted me to ponder about the upcoming elections in September.
From campaign ads to community meetings and parades, we have come closer to intimately getting to know each candidate one by one and name by name. There are some candidates that are new to political sphere and then there are others that are seeking political tenure. Despite all the political excitement there is still something strange about the 2014 elections in Massachusetts.
If you take a look at the candidates seeking statewide office at the highest level, one thing becomes clear: there are hardly any minorities on either party’s ticket. Cambridge City Councillor and Democratic candidate for Lieutenant Governor, Leland Cheung, remains the only person of color on this year’s ballot running for any statewide office.
In a state that just eight years ago stunned the nation by electing Massachusetts’ first African American governor, Deval Patrick, frankly this is an embarrassment. The United States is becoming more diverse year by year, yet there is still a severe underrepresentation of people of color throughout all levels of government. Let 2014 be a wake up call for anyone looking to advance minority rights in the future. Unless we work together, we will not be able to achieve equality and opportunity for everyone regardless their gender, race, creed, sexuality, or religion.
When Dr. King delivered his famous “I Have a Dream” speech, one year before the Civil Rights Act was passed, he hoped for a nation in which his children were not “judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character.” In that very same speech Dr. King also critiqued injustice and brought into question whether America’s living was reflective of her language. As a progressive beacon in this country, we too must keep in mind that our reality must reflect our rhetoric as we engage the state of race relations both in Massachusetts and nationwide, particularly regarding the lack of minority representation in government.
Some may argue that Councillor Cheung, who is the son of immigrant parents, does not qualify for the “person of color” tag because Asian Americans in this country have been repeatedly cast as the “Model Minority.” However, I would suggest that you have fallen into the racial trap that mediates the same particular stereotypes that insinuate that everyone who looks Hispanic is here illegally, everyone who’s Muslim is connected to terrorism, everyone who is Black is thuggish or ghetto, and that every Woman is emotional. These problematic frameworks operate as means to maintain and commodify racial division for power and profit. The sad reality is that Asians Americans often struggle with the same levels of poverty experienced by other minority groups, and they too are victims of marginalization, prejudice, vulnerability, and falsehoods.
Yes, there is still interminiority prejudice that is tied to a gloomy history of oppression and conflict that has created crude competition rather than cooperative coalition. Although we should never naïvely forgo such realities, we must overcome these hostile histories and begin enacting meaningful dialogue that will engage all minorities to get involved in governance. For example, the last mayoral race in Boston featured multiple minority candidates that could not find a way to build sustainable cooperative political alliances amongst minorities to address the mutual issues that many of our communities face. We may not have the same history, but this is the United States of America, the land of immigrants. Whether by choice or by force, we come from all corners of the globe and we need minority mutuality as we move America forward.
When I first spoke with Councillor Cheung, I was so impressed with our dialogue about the racial dynamics of this upcoming election that it was necessary to video and make accessible to our community at-large via You Tube. Just as we did with Deval Patrick, our minority communities should see 2014 as an opportunity to make Massachusetts a better, and more inclusive place, with hopes that America will one day be more than a land with space for only one.
Rev. Willie Bodrick, II is a 2010 graduate of Georgetown University and a 2014 Master of Divinity graduate of Harvard Divinity School. He is an ordained minister in the Baptist tradition and finds interest in Political Activism, Community Organizing, and Social Entrepreneurship. He is currently the Youth and Young Adult Pastor at the Historic Twelfth Baptist Church and a resident of Roxbury. Twitter: @willbeamer