Jason Collins: The Great Black Hope
May 2, 2013 at 3:13 pm | Posted in Uncategorized | 1 CommentTags: civil rights, gay rights, homophobia, homosexuality, jason collins, nba, sports
Guest editorial by Rev. Irene Monroe
The professional sports world has been waiting for a Jason Collins moment— a gay athlete currently playing in a major league to come out publicly. What you may not know is that the subtext is that it was hoped the moment would star an African American male.
The African American community, let alone the sports world, desperately needed an openly gay current male professional player.
Collins, who deliberately wore the jersey number, “98,” to honor slain gay student Matthew Shepard during the 2012 – 13 NBA season, is a 7′ 0″ center for the Washington Wizards,
a former Boston Celtics, and is also African American. Closeted for all of his professional playing life, until now, Collins told “Sports Illustrated,” why he finally came out.
“I realized I needed to go public when Joe Kennedy, my old roommate at Stanford and now a Massachusetts congressman, told me he had just marched in Boston’s 2012 Gay Pride Parade. I’m seldom jealous of others, but hearing what Joe had done filled me with envy….I want to do the right thing and not hide anymore.”
LGBTQ athletes must constantly monitor how they are being perceived by teammates, coaches, endorsers and the media in order to avoid suspicion. They are expected to maintain a public silence and decorum so that their identity does not tarnish the rest of the team.
In what will now hopefully become the last closet where LGBTQ hide their sexual orientation, thanks to Collins, the sports world’s hyper-masculine and testosterone-driven milieu might actually begin to loosen its homophobic hold, especially among black athletes.
Doc Rivers, coach of the Boston Celtics and African American, is revered among black athletes.
Having coached Collins for 32 games before Collins was traded to the Washington Wizard, Doc Rivers remarks help spread a message of acceptance.
“I’m really proud of Jason. He still can play. He’ll be active in our league, I hope, and we can get by this— get past this. I think it would be terrific for the league. More than anything, it would just be terrific for mankind, my gosh.”
In terms of when and how you come out personally, timing is everything. So, too, in coming out professionally.
The statement, “I’m a 34-year-old NBA center. I’m black. And I’m gay” by Collins in the May 6
issue of Sports Illustrated is as momentous as when renown comedienne Ellen DeGeneres’ quote “Yep, I’m Gay” appeared on the cover of the April 14, 1997 issue of “Time Magazine.”
Although the time span between the two statements is 16 years, and many more advances and civil rights have been afforded to us lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) Americans, we now see we’re still a nation grappling with the issue.
While both Collins and DeGeneres give a public face and personal testimonies of their struggle of being closeted about their sexual orientation, their messages reaches and resonates within only certain pockets of the American population and not others. And within those pockets of the American populace, the reprisal and applause they also receive for coming out still fracture alone several fault lines, with profession being one of them.
When Ellen so boldly came out in 1997 she received a torrent of praises from the LGBTQ community and our allies. But “her career puttered and stalled out for the three years following her coming out,” and her impact did little for both the world of sports and for many-straight and LGBTQ- in the African American community in understanding the deleterious effects of homophobia. (It was still being argued, as now, in many African American communities that homosexuality is a “white disease” and not a civil rights.)
In the sports world most women athletes, even today, are assumed to either be lesbians and/ or unfeminine.
For example, in many African American communities Olympic basketball player Lisa Leslie was perceived to be a “girly- girly;” therefore, not a lesbian, but certainly a weak and non-aggressive player. Tennis phenoms the William Sisters are aggressive players but too muscular, especially Serena, to be seen as feminine.
LBT women in professional sports have come out of the closet while playing, at least, two decades before the “Jason Collins watershed moment.”
While race plays a factor in the African American community coming to grips with its homophobia, especially in the world of sports, so, too, does gender.
Case in point: Just last month, Brittney Griner, also an African American like Collins, is a 6-foot-8, three-time All-America center and was the number one pick in the WNBA draft announced she was a lesbian. It wasn’t considered a big news story.
In 1997, a pregnant Sheryl Swoopes— three-time Olympic gold medalist and three-time MVP of the Women’s National Basketball Association (WNBA)— promoting a heterosexual face for the WNBA was the cover-girl for the premiere issue of “Sports Illustrated Women.” At the time Swoopes was married to her male high school sweetheart. That was considered a big news story. But so too in 2005, when Swoopes came out as a lesbian, becoming the second in the WNBA, and endorsed the lesbian travel company “Olivia.” She was at the time partnered with Alisa Scott, an assistant coach for the Houston Comets that Sheryl played for from 1997-
-2007. And in 2011, it was another big new story because she was with a male.
To incurable homophobes, especially of the fundamentalist Christian variety type, who pedal their “nurture vs. nature” rhetoric that homosexuality is curable with reparative therapies, they saw Swoopes as the prodigal daughter who had finally found her way home to Jesus.
Many of my heterosexual African American brothers, Chris Unclesho, the man Swoopes was then engaged to marry, was the MAN! A bona fide “dyke whisperer” who had turned Swoopes out to the sexual joys of what it is to be with a man.
But long before Swoopes, Griner and Collins, both tennis greats Billie Jean King and Martina Navratilova came out in 1981.
Martina was publicly taunted for not only being a lesbian but for also not bringing femininity and beauty to her game. Her muscular physique and supposedly masculine appearance killed not only sponsor endorsements but also attempted to kill her spirit in playing the game.
With the sports world celebrating Collins news, Navratilova has joined in voicing her joy in an op-ed she wrote for SI.com.
“Now that Jason Collins has come out, he is the proverbial game-changer. One of the last bastions of homophobia has been challenged. How many LGBT kids, once closeted, are now more likely to pursue a team sport and won’t be scared away by a straight culture? Collins has led the way to freedom. Yes, freedom— because that closet is completely and utterly suffocating. It’s
only when you come out that you can breathe properly.”
Navratilova is correct in stating that Collins is a “game-changer,” because he stands on all the LGBTQ shoulders in sports before him.
Truth be told, Collins is not the first professional gay or black athlete to come out. He’s not even the first professional athlete to come out while playing.
But in a sports world that has become overwhelming shaped by African American male players and masculinity, Collins coming out celebration has everything to do with timing, gender, race and many more straight brothers embracing their gay brethren.
Rev. Irene Monroe is a Ford Fellow and doctoral candidate at Harvard Divinity School. One of Monroe’s outreach ministries is the several religion columns she writes – “The Religion Thang,” for In Newsweekly, the largest lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender newspaper that circulates widely throughout New England, “Faith Matters” for The Advocate Magazine, a national gay & lesbian magazine, and “Queer Take,” for The Witness, a progressive Episcopalian journal. Her writings have also appeared in Boston Herald and in the Boston Globe. Her award-winning essay, “Louis Farrakhan’s Ministry of Misogyny and Homophobia”, was greeted with critical acclaim.
Monroe states that her “columns are an interdisciplinary approach drawing on critical race theory, African American , queer and religious studies. As a religion columnist I try to inform the public of the role religion plays in discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer people. Because homophobia is both a hatred of the “other ” and it’s usually acted upon ‘in the name of religion,” by reporting religion in the news I aim to highlight how religious intolerance and fundamentalism not only shatters the goal of American democracy, but also aids in perpetuating other forms of oppression such as racism, sexism, classism and anti-Semitism.”
The views expressed are those of the author.
Remembering the African American Holocaust Survivors
April 12, 2013 at 3:12 pm | Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a commentGuest editorial by Rev. Irene Monroe
This week, April 8- 12, marks the 27th annual observance of Holocaust Memorial Week. The week is about remembering not only the 6 million Jews murdered but also remembering the millions of allies, martyrs and victims who survived Nazi Germany’s reign of brutality.
The enormity of the mass slaughtering of Jews that took place— in ghettos, slave labor sites, concentration camps, prisoner-of-war camps, brothels filled with sex slaves and killing factories— is still being discovered as documents are unearthed. New scholarship revealed that, from 1933 to 1945, there were at least 42,500 Nazi ghettos and camps throughout Europe. This represents a staggering increase, far exceeding the original guesstimate.
Thank goodness the stories of the millions of allies, martyrs and victims who survived Nazi Germany continue to be told. On April 11th, City of Cambridge Annual Commemoration of the Holocaust guest speaker is Holocaust survivor Edgar Krása. Krása will be telling his remarkable story of survival. Krása who ran the Veronique restaurant at Longwood in Brookline, MA. was born in Carlsbad, Czechoslovakia, and moved to Prague in 1933 with his family.
In 1941, Krása was on the first train to the Theresienstadt ghetto in Terezín, now known as the Czech Republic, to help set up the garrison city into a concentration camp. Under Nazi control Krása was ordered to set up the kitchen that fed prisoners-of-war, and he worked there until 1944 when he was deported to Auschwitz.
At Auschwitz, Krása walked in the notorious Death March and survived it by feigning death after being shot.
Missing, however, from the annals of history are the documented stories and struggles of African Americans, straight and “queer.” Valaida Snow, captured in Nazi-occupied Copenhagen and interned in a concentration camp for nearly two years, is one such story forgotten.
Born in Chattanooga, Tennessee, Valaida Snow came from a family of musicians and was famous for playing the trumpet. Named “Little Louis” after Louis Armstrong (who called her the world’s second best jazz trumpet player, besides himself, of course), Snow played concerts throughout the U.S., Europe and China. On a return trip to Denmark after headlining at the Apollo Theater in Harlem, Snow, the conductor of an all-women’s band, was arrested for allegedly possessing drugs and sent to an Axis internment camp for alien nationals in Wester-Faengle.
In pre-Hitler Germany, all-female orchestras were de-rigueur in many avant-garde entertainment clubs. These homo-social all-women’s bands created tremendous outrage during Hitler’s regime. Snow was sent to a concentration camp—not only because she was black and in the wrong place at the wrong time—but also because of her “friendships” with German women musicians. These friendships implied lesbianism.
Although laws against lesbianism had not been codified, and lesbians were not criminalized for their sexual orientations as gay men were, German women were nonetheless viewed as threat to the Nazi state and were fair game during SS raids on lesbian bars, sentenced by the Gestapo, sent to concentration camps, and branded with a black triangle. In fact, any German woman, lesbian, prostitute or heterosexual, not upholding her primary gender role — “to be a mother of as many Aryan babies as possible” — was deemed anti-social and hostile to the German state.
Because Nazis could not discern between the sexual affection and social friendship between straight and lesbian women, over time they dismissed lesbianism as a state and social problem, as long as both straight and lesbian women carried out the state’s mandate to procreate.
Nazi Germany’s extermination plan of gay men is a classic example of how politics informed their science. Paragraph 175 of the German Criminal Code differentiated between the types of persecution non-German gay men received from German gay men because of a quasi-scientific and racist ideology of racial purity. “The polices of persecution carried out toward non-German homosexuals in the occupied territories differed significantly from those directed against Germans gays,” wrote Richard Plant in “The Pink Triangle: The Nazi War Against Homosexuals.” “The Aryan race was to be freed of contagion; the demise of degenerate subjects peoples was to be hastened.”
Hans J. Massaquoi, former Ebony Magazine editor, and the son of an African diplomat and white German mother, in his memoir “Destined to Witness: Growing Up Black in Nazi Germany,” depicts a life of privilege until his father returned to his native Liberia. Like all non-Aryans, Massaquoi faced constant dehumanization and the threat of death by Gestapo executioners. “Racists in Nazi Germany did their dirty work openly and brazenly with the full protection, cooperation, and encouragement of the government, which had declared the pollution of Aryan blood with ‘inferior’ non-Aryan blood the nation’s cardinal sin,” he wrote. Consequently, the Gestapo rounded up and forcibly sterilized and subjected many non-Aryans to medical experiments, while other just simply mysteriously disappeared.
There was no systematic program for elimination of people of African descent in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945 because their number were few, but their abuses in German-occupied territories, like the one in which Snow was captured, were great and far-reaching.
After 18 months of imprisonment, Snow was one of the more fortunate blacks to make it out of Nazi Germany, released as an exchange prisoner. She was, however, both psychologically and physically scarred from the ordeal and never fully recovered. Snow attempted to return to performing but her spark, tragically, was gone.
Rev. Irene Monroe is a Ford Fellow and doctoral candidate at Harvard Divinity School. One of Monroe’s outreach ministries is the several religion columns she writes – “The Religion Thang,” for In Newsweekly, the largest lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender newspaper that circulates widely throughout New England, “Faith Matters” for The Advocate Magazine, a national gay & lesbian magazine, and “Queer Take,” for The Witness, a progressive Episcopalian journal. Her writings have also appeared in Boston Herald and in the Boston Globe. Her award-winning essay, “Louis Farrakhan’s Ministry of Misogyny and Homophobia”, was greeted with critical acclaim. Monroe states that her “columns are an interdisciplinary approach drawing on critical race theory, African American , queer and religious studies. As a religion columnist I try to inform the public of the role religion plays in discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer people. Because homophobia is both a hatred of the “other ” and it’s usually acted upon ‘in the name of religion,” by reporting religion in the news I aim to highlight how religious intolerance and fundamentalism not only shatters the goal of American democracy, but also aids in perpetuating other forms of oppression such as racism, sexism, classism and anti-Semitism.”
The views expressed are those of the author.
An Open Letter to Boston’s Black Leadership
April 10, 2013 at 12:53 pm | Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a commentTags: African American, Boston, disparity, dorchester, economy, Haitian, mattapan, mayor's race, politics, roxbury
Dear Leaders:
Boston Mayor Thomas Menino’s decision to not seek re-election presents a profoundly unique and opportunistic occasion for the city’s black community. Not since the mayoral candidacy of Mel King in 1983 has the black community been strategically positioned to substantively sway the policy direction of the city.
Because Boston’s black community—which includes African-Americans, and blacks from the Caribbean and Africa–is burdened by disproportionate suffering, misery and social dislocation it has the most to gain in the election outcome for mayor.
Consider the alarming realities confronting black Boston:
· A 2012 Boston Foundation report states that the highest concentration of children in poverty across the state live in Roxbury, Dorchester and Mattapan
· According to a 2011 Urban League of Massachusetts State of Black Boston Report, black unemployment rates are the highest of any groups in Boston and black median household income ($33,420) is $30,000 lower than that of the white median household income ($63,980). A persistent racial gap between blacks and whites in terms of median income remains regardless of the type of family structure or the education attained by blacks.
· The same report states that black home-ownership remains relatively low when compared to white home-ownership, and the black community has experienced a very high number and concentration of foreclosures. Almost two-thirds (63.1 percent) of all black homeowners pay more than 30 percent of their household income for mortgage costs.
· Boston police records report that while the Boston homicide rate has dropped during the Menino administration (as it has across the nation, notably in New York City), the victims of murder in the city’s streets are overwhelming poor and black.
Two distinct leadership approaches must immediately emerge from within the black community in order to respond to the multiple crises confronted by poor and vulnerable citizens of the city who happen to be black.
First, Boston’s black leadership class–including elected and appointed officials, activists, clergy, non-profit directors, policy advocates, business leaders and its media–must publicly articulate the unfortunate suffering transpiring in its communities. These leaders must feel compelled to summon the moral and political courage necessary to inject into the mayor’s race meaningful discussion, debate and dialogue about the persistent racial disparity that exist in the city. Ironically, many black leaders in Boston are acutely aware of existing racial inequality because they live in proximity to it. Yet, in the three decades since King’s run for mayor, black leadership has failed to proffer comprehensive and ameliorating policy responses that effectively alleviate structural and race-based disparity.
Second, Boston’s black leadership must quickly formulate consensus about policy priorities for the next mayor. These policies must be pragmatic, specific and ready to be implemented at the outset of the next mayor’s first term. These policies ought to also be associated with a commitment from the next mayor that their administration reflect the diversity of the city, including blacks, Asians and Latinos.
Infant mortality, neighborhood segregation and uneven educational attainment remain as monumental impediments that prevent blacks from competing on an even playing field in Boston. Black leaders can offer solutions to these problems through planning, coordination and consensus. They must also engage mayoral candidates to take sober assessment of the many challenges confronting black people in Boston and urge them to pledge their commitment to these issues upon being elected.
Menino, the so-called urban mechanic, presided masterfully over a city that grew and prospered during his tenure. In demonstrably clear ways, Boston has emerged as a world-class city because of Menino’s tireless efforts.
Unfortunately, the residue of racism persists. Against this backdrop, black leadership must responsibly act in the interest of closing the painful gap that exist between blacks and whites in Boston. If they fail to capture the unique opportunities that the present mayoral election provides, significant numbers of black families and individuals will continue to suffer on the margins and in the shadows of the city.
Sincerely,
Kevin C. Peterson
Director, New Democracy Coalition
Democracy Activist
Kevin C. Peterson is founder and director of the New Democracy Coalition, an organization focused on civic literacy and electoral justice, based at the College for Public and Community Service at the University of Massachusetts Boston. The views expressed are those of the author.
Was Marco McMillian killed because he was black or gay?
March 7, 2013 at 11:05 am | Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a commentTags: African American, civil rights, crime, gay, homophobia, lynching, marco mcmillian, mississippi
Guest Editorial by Rev. Irene Monroe
Marco McMillian was a trailblazer, and the pride of the Mississippi Delta.
Just in his twenties Ebony magazine in 2004 hailed him as on the nation’s 30 leaders under the age of 30. And in his thirties the Mississippi Business Journal hailed him as one of the “Top 40 Leaders under 40.”
But at age 34 McMillian’s life was mysteriously cut short.
As an openly gay African American candidate running for the mayoral seat in Clarkdale, Mississippi, McMillian was quietly signaling that neither his race nor his sexual orientation would abort his aspirations. On McMillian’s campaign Facebook page is a photo of him posing with President Obama. His campaign motto: “Moving Clarksdale forward.”
If there were anyplace to challenge the intolerant conventions of Mississippi, Clarksdale, the Delta’s gem—known as “a place where openness and hospitality transcend all barriers and visitors are embraced as family” and the birthplace of the blues—would be that place.
Police discovered McMillian’s body near a levee just a 15-minute drive outside of Clarksdale. Mississippi’s unforgettable sordid history of lynching immediately rose up when his family reported that Marco’s body was beaten, dragged and “set afire.” And the 1955 lynching of Emmett Till came roaring back, reminding me of Mississippi’s native son William Faulkner who wrote, “The past is never dead. It’s not even past.”
Till was a 14-year of African American child from Chicago who was visiting relatives down in the Mississippi Delta. He was brutally murdered and tortured for allegedly flirting with a white woman. When his body was discovered it was reported that Till was severely beaten, nude, shot in the right ear, had an eye gouged out from its socket, and a cotton gin fan tied around his neck with a barbed wire before his body was dumped into Tallahatchie River.
While thoughts of racial hatred first erupted as the probable motive for McMillian’s murder, they were quickly erased when McMillian’s assailant, Lawrence Reed, 22, an African American male was found and apprehended in McMillian’s wrecked SUV.
Did Reed murder McMillian or did he just steal his car? Or might there be another tale here, one of a “down low” tryst gone awry?
Being openly lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) is no easy feat for African Americans, even in 2013 with a LGBTQ-friendly president like Obama having your back. Being from the South just complicates the matter. For McMillian, his family might also be one of the complications in ascertaining the truth behind his death.
Case in point—it is unfathomable to McMillian’s family to think that the motive for his murder was his sexual orientation. His mother, Patricia McMillian, told CNN that only family and friends knew of her son’s sexual orientation. “He did not announce in public that he was gay,” she said, adding, “I don’t think he was attacked because he was gay.” McMillian’s sexual orientation, however,was an open secret.
According to state investigators, little is known about Reed or how, if at all, he knew McMillian. To the McMillian family Reed is an enigma. McMillian’s mother stated she never knew him, and McMillian’s stepfather, Amos Unger, speaking for the family, told CNN that “We never heard of him.”
Although the family states that the cause of McMillian’s death was because he was “beaten, dragged and burned” the Coahoma County Medical Examiner Scotty Meredith stated otherwise.
But just as McMillian’s family might be one of the complications in ascertaining the truth behind his death so too might be the state that’s investigating the case.
In Mississippi LGBTQ couples cannot marry and they cannot jointly adopt. There is no hate crime bill protecting a person’s sexual orientation or gender identity. The state does not address discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity.
In other words, an assault on a LGBTQ Mississippian might very well be ignored as a personal matter.
Meredith told CNN the following about his findings:
“There were signs of an altercation but that didn’t kill him…Beating is not the cause of death. He was beaten, but not badly. This was not a targeted attack. This was more of a personal dispute.”
According to the Associated Press, The Gay & Lesbian Victory Fund and Institute, which supports gay and lesbian candidates for political office, tweeted, “Our hearts go out to the family and friends of Marco McMillian, one of the 1st viable openly #LGBT candidates in Mississippi.”
And according to Denis Dison, VP of Communications of the Gay and Lesbian Victory Fund, in a HuffPo Live interview there are “approximately 600 openly LGBTQ elected officials at every level of U.S. government, with about 80 openly elected officials in the entire South.”
Had McMillian won his mayoral challenge he would have been Mississippi’s first—the pride not only of the Mississippi Delta, but also of the entire state.
Rev. Irene Monroe is a Ford Fellow and doctoral candidate at Harvard Divinity School. One of Monroe’s outreach ministries is the several religion columns she writes – “The Religion Thang,” for In Newsweekly, the largest lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender newspaper that circulates widely throughout New England, “Faith Matters” for The Advocate Magazine, a national gay & lesbian magazine, and “Queer Take,” for The Witness, a progressive Episcopalian journal. Her writings have also appeared in Boston Herald and in the Boston Globe. Her award-winning essay, “Louis Farrakhan’s Ministry of Misogyny and Homophobia”, was greeted with critical acclaim.
Monroe states that her “columns are an interdisciplinary approach drawing on critical race theory, African American , queer and religious studies. As a religion columnist I try to inform the public of the role religion plays in discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer people. Because homophobia is both a hatred of the “other ” and it’s usually acted upon ‘in the name of religion,” by reporting religion in the news I aim to highlight how religious intolerance and fundamentalism not only shatters the goal of American democracy, but also aids in perpetuating other forms of oppression such as racism, sexism, classism and anti-Semitism.”
The views expressed are those of the author.
Is there a politically correct way for Tarantino to portray black slavery?
January 23, 2013 at 2:02 pm | Posted in Uncategorized | Leave a comment
Jamie Foxx as Django and Leonardo diCaprio as Calvin Candie in a scene from Django Unchained. (The Weinstein Company and Columbia Pictures).
Guest editorial by Rev. Irene Monroe
2013 is making it difficult to avoid one of America’s greatest sins—slavery. We’ve just marked the 150th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, and a plethora of films, documentaries and TV specials are scheduled to address slavery.
One blockbuster hit that’s playing in cinemas now, and is likely to walk away with several Golden Globes and Oscars, is Quentin Tarantino’s Django Unchained.
Django Unchained depicts a slave-turned-bounty hunter (Jamie Foxx) who fearlessly treks across the U.S. to find his wife (Kerry Washington) in order to rescue her from a brutal Mississippi plantation owner (Leonardo DiCaprio).
The film is classic Tarantino; this time an homage to the spaghetti western with romance and revenge narrative. Tarantino set the story in the most unlikely of places— America’s Deep South before the Civil War in 1858.
Tarantino is known as the “King of Carnage,” and his films’ aestheticized depictions of violence (which he calls “movie violence”) is both cruelly disturbing yet undeniably entertaining. In giving his view of Django Unchained, New York Times film critic A. O. Scott wrote, ”A troubling and important movie about slavery and racism…Like Inglourious Basterds, Django Unchained is crazily entertaining, brazenly irresponsible and also ethically serious in a way that is entirely consistent with its playfulness.”
It is Tarantino’s playfulness set in the troubling historical environment that is still unsettling many Americans. Leave it to Tarantino—he’s challenged us to ask a number of difficult questions:
Is it politically incorrect to depict American slavery in a playfully entertaining way?
Is there a politically correct way to depict American slavery?
While some will contest that Tarantino is being well…Tarantino, and he means no disrespect, others argue that his privilege as a well-respected moneymaking white heterosexual male filmmaker gives him carte blanche to recklessly express his creative juices even if it reinscribes stereotypes that many feel Django does.
But Tarantino pushes his critics back stating his objective in making Django is to stir a conversation about slavery because America won’t. And he takes his making of Django to heart.
“It’s one thing to write on the page, ‘Cotton field in the background while two white characters are drinking lemonade, 100 slaves picking cotton in the background,’” Tarantino told “Nightline. “It’s another thing to plant that cotton and put 100 black folks in slave costumes broiling under the hot sun picking cotton. That can get to your soul a little bit.”
In many African American communities Tarantino’s films got to their souls, too, and it received mixed reviews from a tepid nod to expressions of outrage. And those outraged by the film feel Django Unchained needs to be locked up, bound, buried if not burned because the film uses the inhumanity of slavery as a backdrop and it dishonors those who have suffered under its reign.
Then there’s the liberal use of the n-word in the film which many will find deplorable. When asked about it, Tarantino told Cynthia McFadden on ABC’s “Nightline,” “I don’t think anybody is actually going out there saying that we used the word more excessively than it was used in 1858 in Mississippi. And if that’s not the case, then they can shut up.”
But one critic in particular who won’t shut up about Django is renown African American filmmaker Spike Lee whose gripes resonate for many and were recorded in the New York Times.
I can’t speak on it ’cause I’m not gonna see it,” Lee said. “The only thing I can say is it’s disrespectful to my ancestors, to see that film.” Days later on Twitter he tweeted, “American Slavery Was Not A Sergio Leone Spaghetti Western. It Was A Holocaust. My Ancestors Are Slaves. Stolen From Africa. I Will Honor Them.”
American slavery continues to be a difficult topic to talk about. And it’s avoided at all cost, particularly if not spun to appeal to white audiences.
For example, the Queen of Daytime talk, Oprah Winfrey tried to tackle the topic with her production of the 1998 film Beloved based on Toni Morrison’s novel by the same name. It was a box office failure. The failure is speculated to be that the film didn’t appeal to white audiences, casting them in a negative light. Some critics contest that the movie was too serious, not entertaining enough, and was mind-numbing to both black and white audiences of all ages. The weekend Beloved opened it was beat out by the horror flick Bride of Chucky.
The 1977 hit television series Roots based on Alex Haley’s novel by the same name was an international success, nominated for 36 Emmys and winning nine. It was intentionally written to win over white viewers.
“Familiar television actors like American (sic) actor Lorne Greene were chosen for the white, secondary roles, to reassure audiences. The white actors were featured disproportionately in network previews. For the first episode, the writers created a conscience-stricken slave captain (Edward Asner), a figure who did not appear in Haley’s novel but was intended to make white audiences feel better about their historical role in the slave trade,” the Museum of Broadcast Communications reported.
Tarantino’s creative rendering of it, albeit understandably troublesome, sheds a disturbing light on our culture’s ability to willingly sit alone in a dark theater for two plus hours watching an entertaining film about American slavery than to voluntarily sit in a lit room face-to-face with each other and talk about it.
American slavery is an American story. And we all have ownership of it.
Rev. Irene Monroe is a Ford Fellow and doctoral candidate at Harvard Divinity School. One of Monroe’s outreach ministries is the several religion columns she writes – “The Religion Thang,” for In Newsweekly, the largest lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender newspaper that circulates widely throughout New England, “Faith Matters” for The Advocate Magazine, a national gay & lesbian magazine, and “Queer Take,” for The Witness, a progressive Episcopalian journal. Her writings have also appeared in Boston Herald and in the Boston Globe. Her award-winning essay, “Louis Farrakhan’s Ministry of Misogyny and Homophobia”, was greeted with critical acclaim.
Monroe states that her “columns are an interdisciplinary approach drawing on critical race theory, African American , queer and religious studies. As a religion columnist I try to inform the public of the role religion plays in discrimination against lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer people. Because homophobia is both a hatred of the “other ” and it’s usually acted upon ‘in the name of religion,” by reporting religion in the news I aim to highlight how religious intolerance and fundamentalism not only shatters the goal of American democracy, but also aids in perpetuating other forms of oppression such as racism, sexism, classism and anti-Semitism.”
An Open Letter to City Council President Stephen Murphy on Boston Redistricting
October 12, 2012 at 11:41 am | Posted in Uncategorized | 1 CommentTags: African American, asian, Boston, city council, latino, naacp, redistricting, voting rights actrace
Guest editorial by Kevin C. Peterson
Honorable City Council President Stephen Murphy:
In the Boston City Council redistricting process currently underway, the city stands at a crossroads of electoral crisis, marked with ugly reminders of race-based gerrymandering and the suppression of black voting rights.
While it has pleased many in the voting rights community that Mayor Thomas Menino recently vetoed two redistricting laws approved by the city council this month, in general many of us remain disheartened by the redistricting process overall. To date, two different redistricting maps have been voted on to become law by the city council. Yet, advocates disappointedly note that both pieces of legislation offered little electoral advancement and equity for black, Latino and Asian citizens in Boston. Put in a different way, each council plan failed to express a full commitment toward addressing the existing reapportionment opportunities that the city’s emerging diversity presents.
The demographic realities before the Boston City Council are multiple and undeniable: First, the city is 53% people of color—a vibrant mosaic of African-Americans, Latinos and Asians. Yet, these groups represent only 26% of those elected to district seats on the council. This troubling anomaly speaks not only to historic practices of racialized voter suppression in Boston, but is also indicative of the intractable race-conscious electoral proclivities of established conservative white voting blocs which have been reluctant to share their political power as the city has grown more diverse.
Second, in the three-decade history of city council district representation in Boston, never has there been an Asian or a Latino elected from the districts created. To many, this fact is egregiously troubling, specifically when it is gauged against the knowledge that the system of district representation was created in 1982 to ensure diversity on the city council body. To many observers, the political apartheid now characterizing the composition of the council is disconcertingly striking. This reality is the result of past redistricting plans that have organized voting districts in such ways that the electoral strength of so-called minorities has been effectively diluted.
Third, the legislation the city council recently offered essentially eviscerates the civic and political core of the Mattapan neighborhood and poses similar problems for communities such as Chinatown and the Lower Mills section of Dorchester. The city council redistricting legislation proffered ignores the importance of neighborhood cohesion, especially as it pertains to historically disenfranchised voting classes.
In this regard, I am sure you and your esteemed council collegues well know that Mattapan is a unique community, which is both ethnically diverse and racially cohesive. Its residents share common commercial and geographic boundaries as well as known problems such as extreme poverty, high crime and persistent health disparities. Sociologists and political scientists would agree that these commonalities and problems could be more effectively addressed by Mattapan residents if the neighborhood was not split between two districts. Yet, many redistricting map iterations that the city council has favorably entertained ignore fair representation in Mattapan. By including the community of Mattapan in a singular district, the council can promote community-wide organization among residents and support civic purpose and action.
In conclusion, I wish to briefly reflect on an often-misunderstood redistricting concept which has impeded the development of a fair and racially representative redistricting plan in Boston. The matter is this: Some advocates for fair redistricting–even some city councilors–have grossly misunderstood the matter of “packing” and cracking” as it refers to ensuring the voting rights of protected class citizens under the 1965 Voting Rights Act. This misunderstanding has led some to argue that to “pack” a district is wrong or that to “crack” a district is injurious.
Nothing could be further from the truth. And it is unfortunate that civic advocates, city council members and even the mayor of Boston labor under this misnomer.
The issue of “packing” and “cracking” as it appears in federal case law is actually value-neutral. The reality is that forms of “packing” can be used to bolster a case in support of the voting rights of so-called minorities. In similar redistricting cases requiring corrective redress “cracking” district maps is also a proven voting rights protection strategy. There is nothing inherently wrong with “packing” or “cracking” per se. These actions are tools that can be used constructively or destructively. When “packing” or “cracking” harms or “injures” historically disenfranchised voting classes these groups have legal recourse in the federal court.
Some advocates, including MassVote, The Chinese Progressive Association and the NAACP Boston Branch have said that reuniting Mattapan into a single district is a form of “packing”. And they believe they are correct. But in the context of protecting the voting rights of so-called minority groups under the Voting Rights Act, this logic is faulty, at best. Again, the effects of packing, in this instance, can have the effects of strengthening the electoral capacity of a protected voting classes and communities of interest.
Advocates eagerly await redistricting legislation from your body in the coming weeks. We hope that it will include a number of the following desired aspirations: First, the plan should fully represent the demography of the city so that all racial groups are valued equally as citizens. Second, the map should reflect the lowest one-person-one-vote variance to ensure equal representation. After all, this is the expressed and fundamental purpose of redistricting according to the U.S. Constitution. Third, the neighborhoods of Mattapan, Chinatown and the Lower Mills section of Dorchester should be placed in a single district. And forth, a district should be created to allow for the potential of a Latino or Asian to be elected on the district level.
A redistricting plan possessing these broad and inclusive elements will allow the city to avoid the electoral crisis it presently confronts and position Boston toward a more robust, fair and engaged civic life in the years to come.
Sincerely ,
Kevin C. Peterson
Executive Director
New Democracy Coalition
Kevin C. Peterson is founder and director of the New Democracy Coalition, an organization focused on civic literacy and electoral justice, based at the College for Public and Community Service at the University of Massachusetts Boston. The views expressed are those of the author.
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